Bobby.
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Australian Politics
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On the question of speed (nuclear submarines are much faster than conventional ones), White argues that nuclear gives no advantage when compared with a much larger fleet of conventional vessels. According to White, Australia could acquire 40 conventional submarines for the projected price of 8 nuclear ones. In his estimation, a fleet of just 24 conventional submarines would actually deliver more ‘combat power’ than 8 nuclear ones.
At the core of White’s position is his understanding that nuclear submarines would make sense, if their purpose were to team up with the US in confronting China. On the other hand, if they are intended to prevent China projecting power by sea against Australia and its close neighbours, they make no sense at all, according to White.
White’s attention turns to the matter of whether or not the AUKUS plan can work in practise. Will it actually deliver? The plan starts with a radical upgrade and overhaul of the Collins-class boats – a task he describes as daunting. Even if that program goes without a hitch, the RAN is still faced with having to learn how to operate and maintain nuclear submarines and their nuclear reactors in less than ten years (before the US Virginia class submarines arrive in the 2030s). He estimates the chances of the RAN meeting these constraints to be very low.
Having cast doubts on the RAN’s ability to put the AUKUS plan into action, White declares that this is not the biggest threat to it. He sees serious problems in Washington, where there exist doubts about the wisdom of selling nuclear-powered submarines to any other country. Besides, America has no Virginia-class submarines to spare and appears unable to construct new ones fast enough to reach Pentagon targets. White suggests that strategists in the USA are weighing up whether it makes strategic sense for America to pass submarines to Australia rather than keeping them for the US fleet.
White then takes issue with phase 3 of the AUKUS project, under which Australia is involved in designing, building and bringing into service the AUKUS-class submarines in co-operation with the UK’s Royal Navy. He writes
“Both the British and the Australian ends of this co-operative program will have to deliver if the AUKUS plan is to work. It is more than likely both will fail.”
He says that the UK end of the arrangement has had major problems over decades and that in Australia long delays and cost overruns are certain and “outright failure is a real possibility”.
But even that is not the end of the problems White foresees. If the project does go according to plan, the RAN will end up having to crew and manage three different classes of submarine for an extended period (the Collins-, Virginia- and AUKUS-classes), with corresponding requirements for training, management, maintenance engineering etc. White does not believe it possible that three classes (two of them nuclear-powered) can be managed by the RAN at the same time.
Sam Roggeveen is director of the Lowy Institute’s International Security Program. Hugh White is Emeritus Professor of Strategic and Defence Studies at the Australian National University and was principal author of Australia’s 2000 Defence White Paper. Both are highly regarded in their field. The significance of their contributions to debate about the AUKUS matter cannot be underestimated. White’s latest contribution, in particular, will dismay AUKUS’s proponents. At the very least, it should provoke much more discussion of the topic in the media and among members of the public. White’s and Roggeveen’s arguments are too compelling to go unanswered. Unless some serious answers come from very senior levels, AUKUS is, indeed, dead in the water.
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