Sir Grappler Truth Teller wrote on Aug 6
th, 2022 at 11:49pm:
So who are these people for whom it may be deemed necessary to make special laws?
From the same Spectator article:
There are three broad groups of Indigenous people, each quite different, apart from a common ethnic link.
The first group, and the most populous, are urban Aboriginals who live in large cities and towns. In the main, they are virtually indistinguishable from anyone else. They are educated and employed. They do not live together in enclaves, instead occupying the same spaces as most Australians and other residents. Their aspirations, values, and life challenges mirror those of mainstream Australian society. It is from this group that the vast majority of activists are drawn.
The second group are urban Aboriginals who live in smaller towns. Generally, these towns have significant Aboriginal populations, and this group has a tendency to live together in enclaves. They socialise largely among themselves. They do suffer a degree of disadvantage, and sometimes racist antipathy. Statistically, they are less likely to attend higher education (which may be symptomatic of the small community), but they are employed in the same proportion as other lower socioeconomic groups. They live in proper houses, their children go to school, and they are generally healthy. Much of the disadvantage they suffer is attributable primarily to their low socioeconomic status, not their race.
Then there are the remote and/or tribal Aborigines living in isolated communities in outback towns. These groups tend to be close-knit with less ethnic diversity. They live in communities with high-level family connections and report a lower standard of education than their urban cousins. Given the size and isolation of these communities, they are often unemployed and practice, to varying extents, aspects of traditional culture. In many of these communities, disease, alcoholism, and both domestic and sexual abuse are rife. In particular, tribalism is a major inhibitor of progress. It is in these regions where ‘the gap’ is most pronounced.
For example, in Aurukun North Queensland, in January 2020, violence flared up to the extent that 300 of the 1,200 residents fled the community. There is a structural problem in Aurukun Shire which is culturally divided into five clan groupings: Wanam, Winchanam, Puutch, Apalech, and Chara. Generational vendettas based on ‘payback’ have regularly flared into street fights among males aged between 16 and 49, armed with bows and spears. Aurukun is not alone. Wadeye, in the Northern Territory, is another case. Dysfunctional situations like this make it difficult for wider society to increase the standard of living in these communities. Money does not solve cultural problems when only the Indigenous people within these communities can walk away from historic violence.
Obviously, laws that impact these different Indigenous groups will vary significantly. To suggest that educated urban Indigenous people such as the activist class will have a unique insight into the problems faced by dysfunctional remote communities – an insight superior to those of the local community and recognised subject experts – is fanciful.
Legislation that impacts the Indigenous population covers two main types. There is coercive legislation, designed to curb dangerous and anti-social behaviour, and enhancing legislation, to advance Indigenous people in education, sport, employment, and housing. These are enacted under the provisions of Section 51 (xxvi) of our Constitution, passed – accompanied by much acclaim by the Indigenous community – in the 1967 referendum. That is, Indigenous people welcomed the ability of the government to make special laws to benefit them. It was not considered an imposition on Indigenous people, which is the implicit message of the mantra that ‘it’s only right that Indigenous people should have a say in laws made in respect of them’.
https://www.spectator.com.au/2022/08/what-is-the-true-purpose-of-the-voice/