freediver wrote on Jun 4
th, 2008 at 8:27pm:
[i]
Oh no, not another person who thinks all the experts in a field they haven't studied and don't understand are wrong.
Here's a few experts who would seem to disagree FD:
http://www.thenewcity.info/april_2007_editorial.htm
Err in haste, repent at leisureLeaving aside the patent flaws of ET, the more immediate question is whether Australia should contemplate ‘early action’ at all. By far the most thorough, balanced and objective submission to the Prime Minister’s task group was from the Productivity Commission, which, of course, has no vested interest in the outcome. Refreshingly, the commission’s starting point is that unilateral action by Australia will have no impact on climate realities. This compares favourably with the Business Council’s lightweight contribution containing no such acknowledgement.
The commission proceeds to weigh up a series of possible rationales for early action in any event, namely avoiding climate change, meeting the Kyoto target, being a good world ‘citizen’ and influencing others, reducing investment uncertainty, and facilitating the transition to a lower emissions economy. After sifting through the evidence, the commission concludes that only the last of these justifies early action. And its enthusiasm for this rationale is lukewarm at best. However, the commission’s reasoning ultimately suffers from circularity, in the sense that transition to a future international regime warrants early action, but that depends on the regime: ‘Assessing this potential requires, among other things, judgements about the likely timing and make-up of an international regime.’ In short, the submission contains little if any endorsement of early action.
On a more general level, the commission pours cold water on the underlying assumptions of the Stern Review. The commission calls Sir Nicholas Stern’s particular view about aversion to risk and the low discount rates he employs into doubt, thus joining the growing body of literature questioning Stern’s assertion that an immediate and far-reaching response to climate change is necessary on economic as well as scientific grounds.The hard reality is this: unilateral action would be pointless, and a multilateral scheme spanning nations and continents at varying stages of economic development, with different political cultures and competing strategic interests, is a pipedream.
Cui bono?
So why are our leaders about to drop a NETS on us?
The Business Council is nervous about the paralysing impact on investment of continuing speculation about a carbon tax or NETS, and would rather see the whole thing settled, even at cost to some of its members. To a lesser extent, it’s about public relations imperatives embodied in the notion of ‘corporate social responsibility’. For its part, Treasury is rightly concerned about economic inefficiencies produced by the mish-mash of federal and state-based abatement measures like the Mandatory Renewable Energy Target (MRET), Generator Efficiency Standards, NSW Greenhouse Gas Reduction Scheme, the Queensland 13 per cent gas scheme and others. Treasury is keen to sweep them all aside to level the national playing field.
Then there are the progressive ideologues, many of them academics, journalists and commentators, and most environmentalists, who campaign to transform social values as they relate to economic activity. For them, NETS is a chance to throw a progressive blanket over the economy. Hot on their heels is the new class of eco-hustlers, the carbon traders and analysts, carbon credit dealers, renewable energy developers and green designers, all clambering aboard NETS to make a buck. They enjoy access to the media on the pretext that they are performing a community service. On some days the Sydney Morning Herald reads like a promotional brochure for these interests.
While many environmentalists argue for NETS on the ground that Australia’s exclusion from carbon trading is costing us billions of dollars, a lucrative market for commodity traders, if achieved,
doesn’t necessarily translate into emission reductions. Moreover, if unchecked, this green revolution will, on a significant scale, displace income earning prospects away from investors, proprietors and workers, mostly semi-skilled or unskilled blue-collar workers engaged in fossil fuel related industries, towards well-heeled groups like the eco-hustlers. The Productivity Commission cites ABARE research estimating that if we took independent climate action, even in conjunction with global action, by 2050 our coal and iron/steel industries will be respectively 32 percent and 53 per cent smaller than otherwise. In contrast, ‘services’ will only be 6 per cent smaller. Is this a desirable social outcome?Whether climate change can be addressed without resort to ET is a big subject for another occasion.
Even most ET fans accept that without heavy investment in technological innovation, ET alone is not sufficient. They just think a ‘price signal’ is necessary to stimulate this investment. But if ET proves to be a white elephant, technological innovation is all we have. More attention should be devoted to the option of clean technologies, like carbon capture and storage (CCS), as a stand alone response, mandated by governments according to a mutually agreed timetable.