falah
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falah wrote on May 28 th, 2012 at 11:05am: Parts of my own thesis about the influence of the Muslims from Macassar on Aboriginal culture of Northern Australia: Quote:Macassan Cultural Influence on Aborigines
Prior to being banned from Australia in 1908, thousands of Macassans visited Australia annually on monsoon winds in order to trade and gather pearls and trepang. Over the centuries they affected the culture of Aborigines that they traded with. They showed Aborigines along Australia’s northern coast a wider world, and demonstrated to them that there were foreign people of different colour who could be dealt with, and such relationships could be managed to the benefit of Aborigines. The sophistication, confidence, and knowledge attained though this relationship was observed and commented upon by European explorers and settlers. The contact between Macassan traders and Aborigines took place over a long time and was geographically widespread, although more concentrated in areas like East Arnhem Land and Napier Broome Bay. The influence of the contact on Aboriginal culture and technology was profound. The Macassan traders affected Aboriginal culture, religion, language, economy, and technology, as well as affecting Aboriginal expectations of foreign visitors... ...[Historian] Derek Mulvaney is critical of ‘Europocentric’ historians who ignore the effect of Asians on Australian history, singling out Andrew Sharp’s statement in The Discovery of Australia, that Asian ‘knowledge made no impact on the world at large or on the history of Australia.’5 Mulvaney considered the influence of Macassans on Aboriginal culture to be strong, arguing that:
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"Anthropologists have demonstrated convincingly that during the Macassan era, there were complex influences on aboriginal society which made a fundamental contribution to…ceremonial, material culture and language of Arnhem Land." 6
[Anthropologist] Mulvaney also described the effect of the relationship between the Macassans and Aborigines in these terms:
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“It is now recognised that its impact upon coastal Aboriginal society was profound. In addition to such material contributions such as the dug-out canoe and sail and metal implements, which probably enabled a more successful exploitation of the environment, the influence was all pervading.” 7
Peter Worsley, who conducted field research in Groote Eylandt in1952-3 for the Australian National University, considered the Macassan relationship influential on the religious and social organisation of Aborigines on Groote Eylandt, as well as affecting the way they evaluated their past 8:
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…the trepang expeditions can hardly have failed to make a considerable impact on the life of the Australian aborigines, on their economy and their social organization, as well as on their ideas and beliefs…
…The world-view of the aborigines was greatly widened, not merely by direct contact with the Malay sailors, but also by first-hand experience of Indonesia itself, since many aborigines took employment in the vessels of the visitors, and thus visited the Celebes…and other parts of Indonesia for quite lengthy periods.9
Anthropologist Donald Thomson, who conducted research in Arnhem Land in the 1930’s, considered that the Macassans set a benchmark for conduct of foreign visitors in Arnhem Land:
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These visiting voyagers from Indonesia exercised a profound influence on the natives of Arnhem Land, which can be seen to this day. They established a good working relationship with the people and they left behind a tradition of respect amounting to hero worship which still remains. There is no doubt that failure to appreciate the history of Arnhem Land has been responsible for the extreme hostility which the white man and the Japanese met subsequently in this area. Visiting seafarers were expected to conform to the pattern of conduct which had been established, which included a respect for the integrity of the women, and to recognize also the territorial and other rights of the natives, as the Macassar trepang fishermen had done. Too much stress was laid by the white man on the primitive and savage disposition of the people, whereas we know now that as a result of their long contact with overseas visitors of a more advanced culture, they were more sophisticated than any other Australian aborigines, a fact which was noted by Matthew Flinders nearly a century and a half ago. 10
Historian Alan Powell argues that the impact of large numbers of Macassan traders visiting Australia may be the reason why the Northern Territory’s coastal Aborigines were better able to cope with European attempts of colonisation:
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The regular visits of a thousand men, or more, from another culture could not help but affect the lives of coastal Arnhem Landers…The second great influence of the Macassans lies in the conditioning of their hosts to the impact of alien life forces. Almost alone amongst the Australian Aborigines, the coastal Arnhem Landers had long and continuous experience of coping with outsiders before the coming of the British. That experience may help to explain why some were able to withstand so well the tremendous pressures which were put upon them in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 11
Anthropologist Ian Crawford has written that Islamic beliefs such as the existence of Allah, the unity of mankind, and the existence of a universal law for mankind ‘provided Yolngu with a means of both comprehending and coping with developments’ that came with dealing with outsiders. Crawford argues that these beliefs have been used by Yolngu as “a conceptual weapon…in the struggle against domination against the ‘Other’.’12 Berndt and Berndt argue that contact with Macassans prepared Arnhem Landers, in some measure, for the cultural clash with Europeans.13
Crawford writes that ‘fleets of perahus sailing to the northern coasts of Australia in search of bêche-de mer opened to Aborigines a vision of a wider world.’ 14 The visitors from the East Indies opened up a wider world to Aborigines they visited, not just through their own presence, but by employing Aborigines to work on their perahus which took them around the northern Australian coast and sometimes even to the East Indies Islands to the north. Charley Djaladari, told Berndt and Berndt of what he had seen at Makassar:
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‘We saw so many things…the Balanda white men, with horses and carts and big houses and strange looking clothes …there were stone houses…there were so many people, and I couldn’t see them all’
In 1841, Port Essington settler, George Earl, remarked upon the Aborigines who were seen travelling with the Macassans in their praus:
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Nearly every prahu on leaving, the coast takes two or three natives to Macassar, and brings them back next season. 16
Berndt and Berndt noted that those Aborigines that had returned from such a journey ‘liked to talk of their journey through the islands to Macassar, and around the camp fires stories were told and songs were composed about what they had seen.’ 17
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They sing…of the Macassan wharfs; of the rice fields; money; the making of iron; the cutting of timber; the making of proas…of their houses, and so on; all the colorful life of an East Indies town is related in the poetic aboriginal songs… 18
Groote Eylandt elder Galiawa Nalanbayayaya Wurramarrba narrates how his father travelled to Makassar:
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My father often used to tell me stories of the Macassan days. He went away with them when he was a young boy. Wanabadi the Macassan took him and he was away for four [years]. 19
5 D J Mulvaney, The Prehistory of Australia, Thames and Hudson, London, 1969, pp. 19-20. 6 D Mulvaney, 'Beche-de-Mer, Aborigines and Australian History', Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, vol. 79, 196, p.454. 7 Mulvaney, The prehistory of Australia, p. 39. 8 P Worsley, Early Asian Contacts with Australia, Past and Present, vol. 7, 1955, pp. 6. 9 Ibid, pp3-5. 10 D Thomson, Arnhem Land: explorations among an unknown people, Geographical Journal, Vol. 112, 1948, pp.146-7. 11 A Powell, Far Country: a short history of the Northern Territory, Charles Darwin University Press, Darwin, 2009, pp.30-1. 12 I McIntosh, Can We Be Equal In Your Eyes?: a perspective on reconciliation from northeast Arnhem Land, PhD thesis, Northern Territory University, 1996, p214. 13 R Berndt, & C Berndt, Arnhem Land: its history and its people, F. W. Cheshire, Melbourne, 1954, p.70-1. 14 I Crawford, We Won the Victory: Aborigines and outsiders on the north-west coast of the Kimberley, Fremantle Arts Centre Press, Fremantle, 2001, p.97. 15 Berndt & Berndt, Arnhem Land…, p.56-8. 16 G, W, Earl, 'An account of a visit to Kisser, one of the Serawatti group in the Indian archipelago’, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. 11, 1841, p.116 17 Berndt & Berndt, Arnhem Land…, p.50. 18 R Berndt & C Berndt, ‘Secular figures of Northeastern Arnhem Land’, American Anthropologist, vol. 51, issue 2, 1949, p.216. 19G Wurramarrba, & J Stokes, (trans.) in K Cole, (ed.) Groote Eylandt Stories; changing patterns of life among the Aborigines on Groote Eylandt, Church Missionary Historical Publications, Melbourne, 1972, p. 32.
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